ПАРАДИГМАТИЧЕСКИЕ ОТНОШЕНИЯ В ФОЛЬКЛОРНОЙ ЛЕКСИКЕ

Folklore is a unique sphere of language realization, and it is one of the essential means of expressing vividly mentality and culture of a nation. Cultural meanings of traditional folklore are found «in the context of folk works, in the rite structure and semantics of ritual actions, in the remnants of mythological concepts, persistent in riddles, signs, sayings, fairy tales» and other folk genres [1, P. 50].

The present study concerns the language expression of cultural meanings as the folk word is not just a language unit, it embodies our ancestors’ perception and evaluation of the world [5, P. 3]; folk words as compared to other words do not lend themselves only to expressing lexical meanings, they convey semantics specified by tradition [7, P. 185]; the main semantic load in the folklore text lays down on the folk word: “... a word in the folk text is a dominant and decisive means” [6, P. 100].

The aim of our study is to highlight specific features of paradigmatic relations in folklore lexicon, namely the distinctive characteristics of folk synonyms and oppositions.

Before we set about describing the lexical categories in question, let us consider the semantic structure of a folk word and its typological features which determine the paradigmatic relations it is involved in.

We find it necessary to distinguish between the notions of “vocabulary of folklore” and “folklore vocabulary”. The former term implies a set of lexical units recorded in folk works. The latter term is used to describe lexical units which are not found outside folklore and do not perform the communicative function in everyday speech. They serve as a means of constructing linguistic and artistic reality in folklore [5, P. 9]. Thus, folklore vocabulary is constitutive and inherent to the field of folklore beyond which it goes into the category of stylistically marked expressions.

It seems appropriate to juxtapose the terms “folklorism” and “folk word”. The term “folklorism” means: 1) quoting the works of folklore; 2) styling works in the genre of literary tale or pastiche based on the Bible or chronicles; the use of folk poetics elements for stylistic purposes; addressing the genres of folklore; the use of mythological plots or symbols; addressing the ethnic peculiarities of the worldview [3, P. 31-48]. This definition seems incomplete because it does not consider the lexicographical aspect of the concept and does not include items that are labeled in standard dictionaries as “folk / folk-poetic words”. We believe they can also be referred to folklorisms.

The concept of “folk word” is broader than that of a folklorism in its lexical aspect. All the units that embody the specific “folk identity of form and meaning, explained by the tradition rather than by language reasons” can be called folk words [1, P. 51]. They are in high demand in the works of folklore, but not widely used in everyday speech.

The lexical meaning is a complex structure which includes semantic, syntactic and pragmatic aspects of a word as a sign. Semantically, the structure of the lexical meaning comprises signification, denotation and inner form. The term “denotation” means “a multiplicity of objects (things, properties, relations, situations, conditions, processes, actions and so on), which may be named by this unit (by virtue of its linguistic meaning)” [4]. The term “signification” reflects the properties of the corresponding denotation in the human mind. The inner form of a word is defined as “the semantic and structural correlation of the morphemes comprising the word with the other morphemes of the language; the attribute which serves as the nomination basis for a new lexical meaning of a word” [2].

The denotative component can be considered as a sememe - the unit that represents a set of structural components of the lexical meaning (semes). The structure of a folk sememe is organized hierarchically and includes a hyperseme which expresses the integral meaning of the entire set of semes, a denotative seme expressing the general meaning and connotative semes expressing additional textual and contextual meanings. It is interesting to note that textual and contextual connotative semes often prevail in the structure of a folk sememe and they are able to neutralize the denotative seme. This ability is explained by the specific features of folk genres in which words tend not only to name but also to express ethical estimation. Semantic diffusion of a word in folk texts is manifested by the fact that the semes in its meaning are not isolated, they penetrate into each other filling the semantic scope of a word and at the same time making its meaning broader.

The textual aspect of the folk word meaning is revealed through its inter-text connections when the word becomes part of a folklore text. For example, the meanings of the word “golden” (“made of gold”, “the colour of gold”) are supplemented by the meanings characteristic of folklore texts (“able to do magic”, “possessing wonderful properties”, “belonging to another, magical world”). Contextual connotative meanings of folk words are specified by several factors: the folk work genre, paradigmatic and syntagmatic relations.

The contextual aspect is determined by the national worldview with its traditions and associations. Contextual connotations can be divided into semiotic, symbolic and cultural. If we find semiotic connotations in the folk word meaning, it means that the word can be part of a semiotic opposition with the semiotic function becoming dominant. For instance, one of the core semiotic oppositions in the folk view of the world is one’s own –alien. It transforms the denotative meaning of the individual social oppositions stepmother – stepdaughter, mother-in-law – daughter-in-law or the individual spatial oppositions home / garden / yard – forest / marsh / mountains.

Symbolic connotations are an essential feature of the semantic structure of folk words as they create traditional, aesthetically pleasing, significant folk images whose aesthetic impact is no lesser than unique and individual author's characters in literary works. Thus, the word “white” in folk works is a universal symbol of something positive, noble and pure.

Cultural connotations of a folk word provide for its ability to substitute for an artifact or an appanage of a rite. For example, the words “cauldron” and “broomstick” in folk contexts are more often seen as attributes of a witch than mere household items.

Semiotic, symbolic and cultural contextual connotations communicate cultural semantics which accounts for paradigmatic relations as much as the denotative aspect of a word. This assumption allows us to distinguish between paradigmatic relations proper and folk paradigmatic relations. Further we are going to dwell on the specifics of folk synonymy and oppositeness and describe their distinctive features.

We suppose that “Synonyms are different phonological words which have the same or very similar meanings” [10, P. 65], “they must have a significant degree of semantic overlap and… a low degree of implicit contrastiveness; they are identical in respect of central semantic traits, but differ, if at all, only in respect of what may be described as minor or peripheral traits” [9, P. 266 - 267]. The substitutionality test is one of the basic criteria to determine whether two words are synonyms: if there is no change in the meaning of a sentence when one word is substituted for the other, then they are synonyms. However, a reservation has to be made: absolute synonyms which are denotatively and connotatively identical are few, near-synonyms with overlapping but not identical meanings can substitute each other in some contexts, but not in every context. Synonyms often have different distributions along a number of parameters. They characteristically occur together in certain types of expression. A synonym is often employed as a clarification of meaning of another word or as its particular variety.

Speaking about synonymy in the broad sense, researchers have to admit that this phenomenon is characterized by instability and wide variation [Apresyan, 1974; Lyapon, 1995]. This statement holds true especially in case of textual synonyms whose semantics is diffusive and whose variation may depend on the aims pursued by the author. What is more, it is often noted that the regularities of synonymic variation appear specific to the definite language and reflect the worldview of a particular nation [8, P. 463].

The cultural semantics expressed by a folk word accounts for the suppression of its actual denotative meaning, with the result that the lexical meanings of folk words expressing similar cultural semantics converge and undergo neutralization. The words become semantically similar and interchangeable in a context.

It is necessary to distinguish between folk synonymy and synonymy in folklore. Synonymy in folklore is represented by the whole stock of synonymous means found in folk texts including both language synonyms and folk synonyms.

Folk synonyms can be defined as words which are synonymous only in folklore, there are no conditions for their implementation in other language areas: what does not appear synonymous in terms of language becomes synonymous in folk poetry. Folk synonymy is based on the similarity of traditional cultural concepts, their interchangeability in folk contexts is explained by the congruent cultural connotations while their denotative components may not match. In other words, folk synonymy is virtually an unlimited manifestation of equivalence in the system of paradigmatic relations [5, P. 27].

English folktale texts have been chosen as the research material. The analysis of the texts represented in the collection of English Fairy Tales edited by J. Jacobs and in the collection of Folktales of the British Isles edited by J. Riordan allowed us to single out three main types of folk synonyms: contextual, situational and formulaic ones.

Contextual synonyms result from the convergence of their semiotic or cultural connotations while their denotative components become blurred. They tend to convey the emotional charge rather than information.

For instance, when the main character in the folk tale “Binnorie” gets into the rushing mill-stream and asks her sister for help, she cries out: “O sister, sister, reach me your hand!” and “O sister, sister, reach me your glove!”[12, P. 45]. Both the hand and the glove in the given examples symbolize help and salvation the main character seeks.

In the folk tale “Tom Tit Tot” the main character’s mother is ashamed of her daughter’s voracity, that is why the offensive song she sings spinning the girl to the door is quickly transformed when there appears a fine suitor for her daughter’s hand:

“My darter ha’ ate five, five pies to-day.
My darter ha’ ate five, five pies to-day.” /
“My darter ha’ spun five, five skeins to-day.
My darter ha’ spun five, five skeins to-day.” [12, P. 2].

Situational synonymy stems from the convergence of symbolic connotations of folk words or the functional identity of the images expressed. Situational synonyms can be represented by names of plants, animals, household items, musical instruments, names of address, etc. used interchangeably.

An example of situational synonyms with similar symbolic connotations is found in the tale “Rose-Tree”, in which the main character, an innocent little girl “as white as milk”, is killed by her wicked stepmother and later resurrects as a white bird which sings “like an angel out of heaven”. The white colour symbolizes purity and innocence and the image of a bird can be interpreted as a symbol of separation of the spirit from the body.

In the folk tale “Lazy Jack” situational synonyms are characterized by the functional identity of the address when the mother of the main character calls him “you stupid lout”, “you silly fellow”, “you stupid boy”, “you ninney-hammer” each time expressing disappointment with her son’s feeble mind and the decisions he makes:

“You stupid boy”, said his mother, “you should have put it in your pocket” (about losing the money when passing over a brook).
“You stupid lout”, said his mother, “you should have carried it carefully in your hands” (about carrying cream cheese in his pocket).
“You silly fellow, you should have tied it with a string and dragged it along after you” (about a tom-cat which he tried to carry in his hands).
“You ninney-hammer”, said she to her son, “you should have carried it on your shoulder” (about a shoulder of mutton that Jack trailed along after him in the dirt) [12, p.153-154].

Situational synonyms may be found in different versions of one and the same folktale. For example, in J. Jacobs’ edition, one of the characters in the folk tale “The Well of the World’s End” is a charmed prince who appears as a frog. He helps the girl to cope with the task set by her wicked stepmother and asks her in return:

“Chop off my head, my hinny, my heart,
Chop off my head, my own darling;
Remember the promise you made to me,
Down by the cold well so weary.” [12, P. 218].

In the Scottish variant of the same folk tale edited by J. Riordan, “The Paddo”, the charmed prince, who appears as a paddo, asks the girl:

“Now fetch me an axe, my hinnie, my heart,
Now fetch me an axe, my ain true love;
Remember the promise that you and I made,
Down I’ the meadow, where we twa met.” [11, P. 219].

The prince can become disenchanted if a beautiful girl agrees to do his bidding for a whole night and beheads him at the end of it. The idea of beheading is expressed by otherwise not synonymous expressions “chop off” and “fetch an axe”.

Formulaic synonyms are used interchangeably in stable, repeated fragments of folk texts which are structurally and semantically identical. The criterion which serves to refer fragments to formulaic ones is their repeated reproduction in various texts or variations of one and the same text. Examples of this kind are found in chants pronounced by characters:

“Fee, fie, fo, fum,
I smell the blood of some earthly one”
(pronounced by the giant in “Molly Whuppie”) [12, P. 125] /
“Snouk but and snouk ben,
I find the smell of an earthly man”
(pronounced by the Red Ettin of Ireland, a three-headed beast in “The Red Ettin”) [12, P. 134] /
“Fee, fi, fo, fum,
I smell the blood of a Christian man”
(pronounced by the King of Elfland in “Childe Rowland”) [12, P. 123] /
“Fee, fi, fo, fum!
I smell the blood of an Englishman!”
(pronounced by Thunderdell, a two-headed giant in “Jack the Giant-Killer”) [12, P. 109].

Another example of functionally identical formulaic synonyms is demonstrated in combination with formulaic antonyms:

“Be he alive or be he dead,
I’ll grind his bones to make me bread!” (“Jack the Giant-Killer”) [12, P. 109] /
“Be he alive or be he dead,
I’ll have his bones to grind my bread.” (Jack and the Beanstalk) [12, P. 63] /
Be he dead, be he living, with my brand,
I’ll dash his brains from his brain-pan.” (“Childe Rowland”) [12, P. 123] /
Be he living, or be he dead,
His heart this night shall kitchen my bread.” (The Red Ettin”) [12, P. 134].

The research done allows us to assert the prevailing character of situational and formulaic synonyms over contextual ones as the interchangeability of synonyms in folk tale contexts is largely due to the similar function they perform in the plot.

In traditional terminology, antonyms are words which are opposite in meaning. However, it seems reasonable to use a more general label of oppositeness. Oppositeness can be called the core category for the language of folklore as the folk worldview is based on different types of oppositions. The stock of opposed language units in the language in general and in the language of folklore may vary considerably, although the grounds for opposition remain unchanged. These oppositions are represented on different language levels and possess their specific features in folk texts.

By analogy with folk synonyms, opposed folk words manifest evaluative semantics with the marked member of the opposition expressing negative evaluation: traditionally, the spatial images of water bodies, mountains, forests as places inhabited by evil spirits and foes are contrasted with the image of home as a friendly and familiar place. Though, the examples of the opposite are also found:

“A lad named Jack was once so unhappy at home through his father’s ill-treatment, that he made up his mind to run away and seek his fortune in the wide world” [12, P. 206].

Established folk oppositions are often grouped with optional folk oppositions, thus forming two-level oppositions (primary and secondary):

“Now, this time, when Anne lifted the lid off the pot, off falls her own pretty head, and on jumps a sheep’s head” [12, P. 199].

Folk oppositions vary from the point of view of their location in the folk tale text. Most opposed members come in close succession:

“Kiss the black cat,
An’ ‘twill make ye fat;
Kiss the white ane,
‘Twill make ye lean.” [11, P. 195].

However, there are examples of opposed units separated by a number of passages thus forming a kind of frame:

“At last poor Dick could not bear this usage any longer, and he thought he would run away from his place…” [12, P. 170].
“At last her ill-usage of him was told to Alice, Mr. Fitzwarren’s daughter, who told the cook she should be turned away if she did not treat him kinder.” [12, P. 172].

The frame can encircle the whole folk tale. The beginning of “Jack and the Beanstalk” runs as:

“There was once upon a time a poor widow who had an only son named Jack…” [12, P. 59].

The tale finishes with the following:

“…his mother became very rich, and he married a great princess, and they lived happy ever after.” [12, P. 67].

Another specific feature of folk oppositions is their ability to become idiomatic expressions in the course of time: …to make my long story short [12, P. 85]; “The King came out, and asked him his business; and Jack told him all from beginning to end” [12, P. 88].

Finally, folk oppositions may be doubled in the text (tautological repetitions, parallel constructions and synonymous oppositions):

“In came a pair of huge huge hips, and sat down on the thin thin thighs…
In came a pair of huge huge hands, and sat down on the small small arms…” [12, P. 180-181];
“So the sick son married the well sister, and the well son married the sick sister, and they lived happy and died happy, and never drank out of a dry cappy” [12, P. 202].

Applying the same principles to classifying folk oppositions, we suggest pointing out contextual, situational and formulaic oppositions depending on the cultural connotations they express and the functions they perform in the plot.

Contextual oppositions comprise the units which do not contradict each other in their denotation:

“So Lady Margaret went to bed a beauteous maiden, and rose up a Laidly Worm” [12, P. 184].

Princess Margaret, a submissive and timid daughter of the King, is bewitched by her stepmother and turns into a dreadful dragon which devours everything it comes across.

Situational oppositions are built on the basis of functionally similar elements which are not opposed denotatively, for example half the cake and the whole cake:

“…his mother asked him if he was willing to take half of it with her blessing, telling him that, if he chose rather to take the whole, he would only get it with her curse” [12, P. 131].

Another example demonstrates oppositions in parallel constructions, two of which are well established in the language (day – night, this – that), while the third (scramble – sleep) is situational and functions as an opposition on the analogy:

“He’s like an old hedgehog, at night he’ll be scrambling,
From this place to that, but he’ll sleep in the day.” [11, P. 246].

Formulaic oppositions are repeatedly used in a number of folk tales. They may be used in the formulaic parts of the text, for example, at the beginning:

“Long ago, and a long time it was. If I were there then, I wouldn’t be there now. If I were there then and now, I would have a new story or an old story, or I would have no story at all.” [11, P. 257];

They may also come individually establishing the pace of the narration:

“They sought her east, they sought her west,
They sought her up and down…” [12, P. 118].

In conclusion we can state that the undertaken research shows that paradigmatic relations in folklore lexicon are substantially conditioned by the cultural connotations folk words express. Folk words enter into synonymous or oppositional relations because of their isofunctional characteristics, which also accounts for the domination of situational and formulaic paradigms.